Disclaimer: This paper was written based on a theory that, to date, no one has been able to refute. I have mentioned it to many Brazilians and none of them agree with me but none can prove me wrong either. This is very much a working theory and if anyone here on EduFire has evidence to prove me wrong, please provide it. I would be happy to edit or even refute my own theory. That is of course if it is wrong. I apologize for the size of the article. This was a thesis paper for my undergraduate degree. I also apologize for the random page-sized white spaces in the document. I can't seem to get it to format properly. The Brazil-Japan relationship offers a unique and discreet time frame for study. In 2008, Brazil and Japan celebrated 100 years of friendship based on the 1908 landing of the first wave of Japanese immigrants in Japan. This paper will discuss a specific linguistic change that occurred in the Portuguese language during those 100 years namely, that the contraction of não é to né would not have happened without the Japanese immigrant presence in Brazil. The reasons for this change will be outlined in this paper as well as substantial evidence supporting this theory as thorough understanding the the Japanese diaspora in Brazil is necessary to appreciate how this simple yet intriguing linguistic variable occurred. For this reason, a thorough explanation of the historical context of these events must be given. As a side note, it must be remembered that this is an unconscious absorption occurring in Brazilian Portuguese. Few, if any, are aware of it and most would deny even its possibility.
HISTORY
WHY DID BRAZIL NEED IMMIGRANTS?
Slavery was legally abolished in Brazil on May 13, 1888, which effectively caused a massive labor shortage. Asians and Africans were prohibited from immigrating to Brazil because of racism. Brazil initially “imported” workers from Italy and other Western European countries in an effort to “whiten” Brazil and strengthen ties with Europe. This was stopped because of concerns over living conditions in Brazil and such state-subsidized emigration was outlawed by the Italian government in 1902 and many other European governments acted similarly. This caused a massive labor shortage throughout Brazil but mostly in the coffee plantations where small armies of workers were needed to plant, harvest, and maintain the plantations. Outside the coffee plantations, sugar cane, tobacco and several other crop industries were growing in response to high demand in the world market. With insufficient workers in Brazil, a growing demand for products outside of Brazil, and few sources for more workers their eyes turned Japan. (Governo de São Paulo. Imigração Japonesa.)
WHY JAPAN?
Japan, pronounced nihon or nippon in Japanese, entered into this agreement for several reasons. In 1867, Emperor Meiji ascended the Japanese throne which marked the beginning of the Meiji Era and radical changes to the government system. Previous to that time, the Shogun - the supreme Japanese military commander, ruled Japan and the Emperor was merely a symbol and had no real power. The ascension of Emperor Meiji marked the change to a more European-style government system and the loss of the shogun’s power. Soon after, the shogun pledged full support to the Emperor and the Shogunate was officially abolished. In 1871, the budding government enacted the The Abolition of the Han System and Establishment of the Prefecture System (廃藩置県). The "Han System" was similar to the feudal system used in Europe during the middle ages. The sudden abolition of the only economic system Japan had known for nearly 300 years caused a rapid economic meltdown bringing with it recession, starvation, and thousands (if not millions) thrown into abject poverty.
For the Japanese, Brazil held the promise of a better life; a life with food, money and even riches. Thousands of pamphlets, posters and general advertisements were distributed in Japan to encourage the poor displaced Japanese farmers to immigrate to Brazil. Not unlike the propaganda promulgated in Europe to motivate people to immigrate to the United States for the Oklahoma Land Rush in late 1880s. To the right you can see an example leaflet.
For these reasons, on June 18, 1908, the Kasato Maru docked in Santos, São Paulo, Brazil carrying 781 Japanese immigrant workers. This marked the beginning of wide-scale, state-sponsored Japanese immigration to Brazil that lead to almost 15,000 Japanese farmers from 1907 through 1914 and another 164,000 between 1917 and 1940. Roughly 75% of these Japanese farmers immigrated to the São Paulo region – where most of the coffee plantations were and still are. (Ministério do Planejamento)
The empresas de colonização or colonization businesses in charge of the Japanese immigration organized the immigrants into planned areas called colônias or colonies. These small Japanese nuclei formed the basis of what are now the Japanese city hubs, such as Liberdade in São Paulo. (Ministério do Planejamento)
These events – set so perfectly that only random chance could be the author – are the stage where decades of interaction between two polarly different countries, histories, and languages meld and create such uniquely beautiful elements of culture and language as have occurred in Brazil.
POST-IMMIGRATION
Living conditions were harsh for the immigrant Japanese. The fact that the Japanese were assuming positions previously occupied by extremely oppressed slaves was probably never explained to them but was painfully brought to their attention with their first whipping. Some call the Kasato Maru a disaster because of the harsh conditions those first immigrants endured but such harshness quickly changed as the correct political officials (from both countries) were informed of their situation. Subsequent immigrants were not treated so harshly. (Encilopédia)
Cultural barriers including language, respect levels, and racism were too much to be overcome rapidly and for some still haven’t been. Racism diminished during the 1930s but quickly regained strength during World War II because the Japanese were considered “the enemy.”
WORLD WAR II
In World War II (hereafter WWII) Brazil severed political ties with Japan and prohibited the teaching, learning, and use of the Japanese language throughout Brazil. (Fausto) This forced the Japanese to learn Portuguese, most without any formal instruction; out of the frying pan and into the fire in other words. This event was the catalyst for the intertwining of the Japanese and Brazilian cultures. Until this time, the Japanese had kept themselves apart from the Brazilians, their colônias forming a kind of buffer. (Encilopédia)
Such a sudden reversal of situation in such markedly different cultures causes people to learn things haphazardly, in other words to learn only what is presented in random situations. People in this position do not usually learn the correct social, cultural and linguistic paradigms necessary for proper functioning within a foreign society. They learn the how to function within a particular situation but acquire no skills that will help them in any other situation.
Pidgin languages are formed in a similar way. A pidgin language is where two languages meet (typically in a business relationship) and a type of inter-language forms to aid the transactions. Neither party learns anything of the other's language or culture except as it addresses their needs within the narrow confines of their interaction. Over time this interlanguage solidifies into groupings of mutually acceptable vocabulary which is then called a called a pidgin. (Loether) During WWII, the Japanese immigrants were forced into a similar position. This had the unexpected result of bringing many aspects of Japanese culture to the Brazilians. Sake, sushi, sashimi, ofuro, and tempura are all Japanese words that falls from the lips of even the most uneducated Brazilians.
My basic theory rests in the idea of a micro-pidgin, a term invented by myself. This theory states the contact between Brazilian Portuguese and the immigrants’ Japanese caused an unintended and until now unnoticed micro-pidgin, to the degree of just one word, né. As this is a largely verbal phenomenon, many interviews and conversations took places as well as extensive literary analysis.
WWII TO PRESENT
In Brazil, the general fear of the Japanese began to subside by the late 1950’s. The 20th century was a very turbulent time in Brazil with several governmental shifts, a period of military dictatorship, and constant economic upheaval. The Japanese diaspora in Brazil proved itself many times over to be hard working, trustworthy, and law abiding citizens of Brazil throughout these times. As Japan grew anew from the ashes of defeat and war and became a world economic power so as well did the Brazilian’s respect for their Japanese descended co-citizens. By the 1970s, many Nippo-brazilians began immigrating back to Japan in hopes, once again for a better standard of living. In the 30 years since many things have happened including the development of né.
Until this point everything has been historical truth, verifiable through many mediums, but here begin my own theories mixed with the evidence I’ve gathered. I will present them as truth because I believe them to be such but I am aware that very little evidence is necessary to disprove my theory. For example, the term “né” being used before 1908, even once, would completely refute my argument. In an effort to disprove my own theory, I have read, reviewed, listened to, and analyzed over 5,000 pages of professionally produced literature, news articles, and historical databases. Over the past several years I have also performed a large number of informal interviews with both Japanese and Brazilian nationals among others.
DEFINITIONS
ね
In Japanese, ね (pronounced né) is a question marking particle placed at the end of a sentence and used much like "isn't it" in the phrase "It's cold, isn't it?" or in Japanese, 寒いですね (pronounced samui desu né) It is this style of question formation, that has affected Brazilian Portuguese.
In Japanese, ね also performs many other functions that are not so easily translated or defined. A thorough examination of these other functions is outside the scope of this paper but simpler example is in order.
Our original phrase, 寒いですね, is used in casual conversation to comment on the weather. The proper and polite response is, はい、そうですね (pronounced hai, sou desu ne.). There are two words in this sentence that have no English equivalent. There are many such words in Japanese making translation problematic at best. That stated, the meaning of this phrase is most closely interpreted to a confirmatory, Yes it is, isn’t it, once again the né corresponding to the English component isn’t it. This second usage is not used by Brazilians.
Não é
Não é is a Portuguese phrase that performs the same function as the Japanese ね. Tá frio, não é? has the same meaning as 寒ですね which means It’s cold, isn’t it? The Japanese ね is much more versatile than não é as it is an integral part of Japanese and não é is merely an extension of Portuguese. In truth, all dialects of Portuguese and Spanish have this same grammatical structure – Spanish ¿Está frio, no? – but only Brazilian Portuguese has developed the word "né" and only Brazil has a significant Japanese diaspora.
Né
In Brazilian Portuguese the word "ne" is a verbal contraction of não é and has the same meaning. No evidence can be found of a similar contraction in any Portuguese dialect and research has been done to discover if such a contraction has ever occurred outside of Brazilian Portuguese. (Edufire) The flexibility of Portuguese and the pre-existing grammatical similarities allowed for alteration of the standard não é to né.
In short, the nature of Japanese requires such post–positions and question markers whereas the versatility of Portuguese allows for their use.
The Mother Tongue
There are three critical similarities between Brazilian Portuguese and Japanese for understanding how Japanese could have affected Brazilian Portuguese in such a way. These three similarities lie within the category of formation of interrogatives.
FLEXIBILITY
Brazilian Portuguese is a Latin-based language. Because of this, Brazilian Portuguese has a high level of grammatical and syntactic flexibility. One aspect of this flexibility is a variability of word order that allows for exchanging of subjects, verbs prepositions and entire phrases to almost any order. This is a well documented aspect of Brazilian Portuguese and also of Japanese.
QUESTIONS
Questions in Portuguese are formed by the raising the intonation of the phrase at the end of the sentence. This is a trait shared by all Latin based languages. Japanese, while not a Latin based language, also shares this characteristic. In both Japanese and Brazilian Portuguese intonation is extremely important. Slight variations in intonation can significantly change the meaning of any phrase.
QUESTION MARKERS
In Brazilian Portuguese, there exists the sentence-final question marker phrase, não é. Normally, não é is a grammatical construction that translates to is not or isn’t and is used just as frequently and in almost the same ways as its English translation. Because of the flexible nature of Brazilian Portuguese and the tonal formation of questions this não é can be placed at the end of a phrase to ask the listener for confirmation of either understanding, agreement or both. The phrase, Tá frio, não é? means, It’s cold, isn’t it? There is a rising tone at the end of this phrase that indicates there is a question. In fact, this type of sentence in unintelligible without the question-indicating rising tone.
Japanese also carries this characteristic. The phrase, 寒いですね。(pronounced samui desu ne) translates to It’s cold, isn’t it. and uses the question marker, ね, (pronounced né) at the end. As you can imagine, the distance between Não é and né is a mere two characters and a space. A small jump for the linguistically dextrous but the fact that such a contraction did not occur in any of the other 9 distinct dialects of Portuguese is significant. Some unique influence happened only in the Brazilian dialect.
The Japanese Influence
The unique influence was that Brazil is the only dialect of Portuguese to have the influence of a Japanese diaspora. Today in Brazilian Portuguese, this phrase can alternately be stated, Tá frio, né? with no change in meaning, at least since 1990.
It should also be noted that the use of né as a contraction of não é is a universal change but it isn’t a constant. It is used in newspapers, literature, conversation (Christensen), movies, (Central do Brasil) but it is still interchangeable with the “correct” form não é. Even in parts of the country with little Japanese influence, né has become commonplace. It is also interesting to note that in the regions where greater Japanese population are extant – São Paulo, Curitiba, and Mato Grosso do Sul – there is a greater frequency of né, especially in Liberdade which is a large suburb of São Paulo that has Nippo-Brazilian population of over 160,000. (Christensen)
EVIDENCE
To make a scientific conclusion in any field, one must perform, analyze, and present research that supports the theory. In my research I determined that, as time travel is not an option, an analysis of Brazilian literary output from 1593 to 2008 would be necessary. As 4 months is no where near long enough to to perform this level of research and cover this magnitude of literature (easily over 1 million pages of relevant data spread across 3 languages and multiple dialects of each) a selection of significant and hopefully the most relevant literary works was made. To avoid a lengthy, and possibly dull, review of every work only one work will be reviewed to establish the standard criteria for selection.
Literature
Before 1908
José de Anchieta (1534-1597) was a Portuguese Jesuit priest who is accredited as producing the first literary works with Brazilian themes, published in 1593 and has often been called the father of Brazilian literature. This compilation of his works details life in Brazil with particular attention paid to the large native Tupi tribe. Lived a great deal in Espírito Santo where there is a large museum in his honor and a city bears his name. José de Anchieta is often called the founder of São Paulo, the third largest city in the world. This is significant as São Paulo was and still is the largest center of Japanese activity in Brazil. All 560 pages of his works are available online via the National Digital Library of Portugal. (Anchieta)
Very little variation in Brazil’s literature occurred for the next 200 years mostly because most professional writers were educated in Portugal. At the Universidade de Coimbra (founded in 1290 a.d.), the oldest university in Portugal and one of the oldest in Europe, the Brazilian students were taught the “correct” way to write and the “correct” subjects to write about. These close ties with the mother tongue slowed the appearance of the natural change over time that all languages experience. (Loether) It was evident in the development of a distinct Brazilian accent but because of the strict rules of writing, those differences are less apparent.
That changed in the 1800s. The separation between Brazil and Portugal had grown so large that permanent division had formed both in culture and literature. On September 7, 1822, Brazil declared independence from Portugal. It became a monarchy and then a republic with all the social and political jockeying that entails. Later, in 1888 slavery was abolished which galvanized the situation into what it is today.
Writers like António Gonçalves Dias (1823-1864), Castro Alves (1847-1871), Jose de Alencar (1829-1877), and Joaquim Maria Machado de Assis (1839-1908), were chosen because of their national and international influence. Their major works were read, reviewed, and analyzed during the course of this semester. In the context of this paper, looking specifically for the terms não é and né, It is significant to report that the term não é appeared at least twice in every work while the term né never did.
After 1908
Using the year of arrival of the Japanese in Brazil, (1908), as a dividing mark a second, separate analysis was made using literature published after 1908. These authors and their works included (among others) Mario de Andrade (1893-1945), whose great novel Macunaíma was published in 1928, Gilberto Freire (1900-1987), published Casa Grande in 1933, 849 pages, João Guimarães Rosa (1908-67), whose most famous work, Grande Sertão: Veredas, was published in 1956 and was one of the first Latin American novels to gain international acclaim, and Érico Veríssimo and his masterpiece, O Tempo e o Vento, a trilogy about life in Brazil of over 1,500 pages published in 1949, 1951, and 1961 respectively. Last, Paulo Coelho’s (1947-Present) The Alchemist, a short novel published in 1988 has sold over 30 million copies worldwide.
It is significant to note that the term não é appeared with increasing frequency the farther from 1908 the book was published and a dramatic increase occurred after 1950. My resources and time have not allowed me to perform research that distinguishes the periods 1908-1950 and 1950-2008.
Two possible explanations for this sudden increase are 1) the prohibition of the Japanese language and the Japanese assimilation mandated by law during WWII which forced contact between the languages and 2) the Japanese stigma wore off as the Japanese showed themselves superior to the cultural prejudices. Portuguese has affected the Japanese spoken by the immigrants in Brazil but the language spoken in Japan has had no perceivable change as a result of the Nippo-Brazilians returning to Japan. This may be due to the short time span but more probably the rigid nature of Japanese society makes the language more resistant to unauthorized influences.
Today
I turned my attention to the news and other media sources. The number of “hits” was overwhelming thus making any level of overview absurd. For example, a filtered google search restricted to only Portuguese language pages for “né?” brings back over 33 million sites. Thus, dictionaries and other language teaching resources were consulted.
Put simply, the term né is used constantly in Brazilian Portuguese today and has even been described as a linguistic vice that people use unnecessarily; similar in frequency (although not in use) to English speakers who over-use the word like. (Like, that is, like, so cool.) (Pedrosa) Three main elements seem to have caused this rapid increase:
1) As the cultural distance grows between Brazil and its European roots so does the division between linguistic ideologies. Brazil has embraced an ideology of fluid change and motion while Europe continues to fortify its historical foundations. This new way of thinking has allowed many new influences into Brazilian culture and language.
2) The prejudice against the Japanese as the enemy dissipated as the memory of WWII became more distant and the Nippo-brazilians proved themselves (again) as worthy citizens of Brazil.
3) Não é and né seem to have become more frequent after the return immigration to Japan of the second, third, and fourth generation Nippo-Brazilians. This strengthened the Japanese diaspora in Brazil and dramatically improved the political, social, and economic relationship between the two countries.
OTHER ARGUMENTS
There are several other possible explanations for Brazilian Portuguese developing né contraction of não é. There are four main counter-arguments to my theory. The first three are related and state that the influence did not come from Japanese but from either African, Tupi, or French influence. However the fourth, and most tenacious, argument is that of natural progression. While I believe these arguments are incorrect, there is merit in each one.
AFRICAN
The heavy influence the African dialects had on Brazilian Portuguese is well established and non-contestable. However, the fact that the African influence was a constant in Brazil for over 400 years without the né construction is enough evidence to severely discredit this theory. Furthermore, in the six African Portuguese speaking countries no né is in use even though some countries speak, like nigeria, speak a form of Brazilian Portuguese as many are descendants of freed Brazilian slaves.
A preliminary survey of Swahili showed no existence of a né or similar construction but extensive study on all the possible African dialects and influences has not been done by the author and so this theory remains highly improbable but still possible.
TUPI
This theory is similar to the previous with the exception of having completely different linguistic base. Many of the native tribesmen were enslaved by the invading Portuguese and taught their masters the words for the thousands of unique flora and fauna of Brazil. I was unable to acquire any Tupi language resources in the course of the semester but history shows that Tupi was only consulted in reference to new vocabulary and has not been a significant influence since the 1600s.
FRENCH
This theory was developed by me as a counter argument. I supposed that, as Portuguese is a Latin-based language, if a né existed in another Latin based language that could mean that né is in fact older than the Japanese immigration. This would disprove my theory. I am happy to report that only French has a né of any kind and its use is sufficiently different to disprove my own counter theory.
NATURAL PROGRESSION
This counter-argument states that né is a simple contraction of não é caused by the laziness of common speech. This is the most difficult theory to refute as vast amounts of research, both historically and actually, would need to be done which is far outside the realm of this paper. However, it is difficult to assume this because in variations of Portuguese spread throughout the world only Brazilian Portuguese uses né. (EduFire)
CONCLUSION
Brazilian culture, as a result of its multi-cultured roots, is very hospitable. A tourist in Brazil often has very few problems because Brazilians will "roll out the red carpet" for anyone who needs their help. I believe this accepting nature of Brazilian culture and the sudden, widespread need of the Japanese to integrate into that culture created the linguistic windfall that resulted in many small but significant alterations to the Brazilian language namely that:
Based on the evidence and years of observation of both countries, languages, and cultures I conclude that: because of the Japanese presence in Brazil, né became an acceptable form of the more correct, não é. It was adopted because it was a minute change that allowed for greater understanding between the peoples, something that has always been important in Brazilian culture.
Japanese emigrants left Japan throughout the early 1900s in search of a higher standard of living and in the 1980s that same spirit inspired hundreds of thousands of Nippo-Brazilians to return to the land of their grandparents. By that time the Japanese economy had not only recovered but was booming. Throughout the 1990s and the 21 century Japanese-Brazilian immigration to Japan has helped Japan offset its negative birth rate and contributes billions annually to the Brazilian economy. The years to come will bring many changes around the world. Hopefully, we can all see the day when Brazil and Japan celebrate 200 years of mutual friendship in 2108.
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